Amos Chatman Plaisted of the 15th Massachusetts Infantry Remembers Gettysburg

A double exposure image of Amos C. Plaisted wearing both military and civilian clothes. It was most likely taken just after he was discharged from the service, demonstrating his return to life as a civilian.

The following memorandum of the Battle of Gettysburg was written by Amos Chatman Plaisted (1844-1902) of Co. B, 15th Massachusetts Infantry. Amos was born in Dec 1844 at Haverhill, Grafton County, New Hampshire, son of Elisha Plaisted (1805-1873) and Hannah B. Huntley (1821-1847). At the time of his enlistment in July 1861, Amos gave his occupation as “machinist.” On his way to war, Amos wrote his parents, “We had a first rate time all the way from Worcester. We came through Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland — so I have seen many of the largest cities in the union, and now I want to fight and have the war settled! then I shall be contented to settle down in the shop again. But don’t worry about me, for all I want is strength to do my duty, and if I fall — so be it!”

It is my opinion that this memorandum was written some years after the war and for the benefit of his son, Edgell R. Plaisted (b. 1870). My guess would be that it was written about 1890. It was found in a scrapbook kept by Amos and acquired recently by Paul Russinoff who made it available for transcription and publication on Spared & Shared by express consent.

In the mid-1880s, the 15th Massachusetts infantry placed their monument on the battlefield at Gettysburg just south of the copse of trees where its members were fighting at the time that “Picket’s Charge” was ultimately repulsed. It was later determined by the Gettysburg Battlefield Memorial Association that regimental monuments should be placed on the battlefield where the regiments first lined up in battle formation, not where they ended up, so the 15th Massachusetts monument was relocated to a point some 200 yards further south on the Federal line. This ruling did not sit well with some of the veterans of these regiments who helped turn back the Confederate assault near the copse of trees and wished to see their monuments remain at the center of the action. Memoirs such as this by Plaisted may have been written in part to make certain historians did not forget their contribution in winning the day.

A sketch of the Gettysburg Battlefield showing the placement of the 15th Massachusetts, drawn by Amos C. Plaisted of Co. B. This sketch was pasted into his scrapbook.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Gettysburg. After the fight we were four men for duty out of 22. Eleven were taken prisoner July 2nd when we fell back from the Brick [Codori] House through Battery A. My face was burned by powder and some of the regiment was killed by our own guns. They fired on many when we were all mixed up together.

John Marsh, Co. B, 15th Mass. Infantry

July 3rd, four were killed, three wounded and [George] Cunningham and I were with Peckham and [Flavel] Leach only were unhurt. We found the body of [John] Marsh near copse of trees with a McClellan medal fastened on his coat that had worn ever since Little Mac left us. We sent it to his father at Bedford, Mass. I marked a board so we left his grave marked and is now known.

As Longstreet’s Division charged upon copse of trees, our line fell back and my Brigade was sent up double quick to close the gap and check further advance. We got into the gap in a huddled mass and as we stood there firing upon the enemy who were now secure behind the wall and cutting us down fast with their flag planted on the wall, Jim Tenny [of Co. B] said to Cunningham, let us charge on them; they cut us all down if we stand here. Then Cunningham called out, “For God’s sake, let us charge on boys!” and we acted on the suggestion at once and as we neared the wall, the rebs broke and run. I was by the side of [Sgt. William Henry] Savage of Co. A when he fell and saw no one else near but in the excitement and smoke it is probable that many were all around near us—at least it is not probable Savage and I were alone or ahead in the charge which was done by at least a very few hundred men.

Col. Norman J. Hall commanded the 3rd Brigade, 2nd Division 1st Corps

Our Brigade was not over 1,000 and the 15th [Massachusetts] flag was the first to advance though Gen. [Norman J.] Hall called out as we started for the wall, “Forward, that there color!” I thought it was one of his regiments and history gives to credit [writing illegible] which is false …of my company and in fact [ ] that I was at the wall myself and that [ ] was with my regiment and brigade and that the 15th [Mass.] flag was first to advance is clear proof that we done that job through a flank fire on the enemy’s right. The continuous [weakening?] all round had much to do towards making our advance to have effect. Yet what must have been had we not charged is uncertain. Surely at that moment it looked very much as though the enemy would hold this ground gained and perhaps win the day.

Certain it is had Hall ‘s men first advanced, I could not possibly [have] got near the wall and the colors and men would not have been near the place where our dead were found after the battle. The fact that your father was at that wall at that time is ever be your pride. It is more valuable than any honor that could be bestowed through at the time I regarded it a mere circumstance in which I happened to be mixed up in.

Additional notes by Amos C. Plaisted:

18 men of Co. B were 18 years of age
19 men of Co. B were 19 years of age.
Oldest man 47; youngest boy 17.
One quarter (26) of Co. B were brothers.
At Gettysburg, July 3rd, everything third man was killed.
Of four unhurt (at Gettysburg), I was hit in thigh and bespattered with brains of [George Fergo] Fletcher of Co. H 1 and Cunningham had a mirror smashed by a bullet; thus but two were not hit.

1 See also: “Civil War history lost…and found,” John Banks’ Civil War Blog.

1854: John Amsbaugh to John Bolar

The following letter was written by John R. Amsbaugh (1807-1879), the son of Henry John Amsbaugh (1785-1861) and Elizabeth Hansby (1780-1830) of Pennsylvania. John was married twice, first to Nancy Slick (1816-Bef. 1850) and second to Jane A. Hamilton (1821-18xx). In the 1850 US Census, John was residing in Johnstown, Cambria county, Pennsylvania. He had no occupation at the time. We know that he lived in a two-story frame house with an attached stable on Locust Street in Johnstown because he was required to see the house and lot at auction for unpaid debts in July 1854. Only a year earlier he had purchased the Bennett Hotel in Johnstown and tried to make a go of it, advertising that his bar would serve “a choice selection of wines and liquors of all kinds.”

In the 1860 US Census, 52 year-old John Amsbaugh was enumerated in Hampton (upriver from Moline), Rock Island county, Illinois, earning his living as a hotel keeper. By 1870, he was boarding with relatives in Keokuk, Iowa. He died in Shelbyville, Tennessee in 1879.

We learn from John’s letter that he had arrived in Moline, Illinois, in mid-November 1854 seeking to open up a hotel in that city. A newspaper article appearing in a Moline paper claimed that he became the proprietor of the Buffalo House. Traveling with him to Illinois was his brother-in-law, Andrew Allison Hamilton (1823-aft1915). In 1850, Dr. Hamilton was residing in Indiana, Pennsylvania (where his parents were from) and studying medicine. Ten years later, in 1860, he was residing in Hampton, Rock Island county, Illinois, working as a day laborer rather than as a doctor. In 1870, he was farming in Henry county, Illinois.

Few details are revealed about the journey to Illinois but we learn that the party traveled by train from Pittsburgh to Chicago and from there to Moline on the Chicago & Rock Island railroad which passed through Moline. That stretch of the railroad was completed in February 1854.

John wrote the letter to his brother-in-law John Bolar or Bouler (1798-1888) of Armagh, Indiana county, Pennsylvania. John was married to Elizabeth Amsbaugh (1809-1855).

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Moline, Rock Island County, Illinois
November 22, 1854

Mr. John Bouler [also spelled Bolar],

Dear brother, I hasten to fill my promise of writing to you. I can say we arrived here safe and sound on last Friday morning at 8 o’clock, all well and in fine spirits. I got a cook stove the same day, put it up, cooked our dinner on Saturday, and eat it off a store box. We missed making the connection in Chicago [and] lost 12 hours by it. Our baggage and trunks all came right but Dr. A[ndrew] Hamilton’s. It was mislaid or lost between Pittsburgh & Chicago. He has not got it yet but thinks it will come. We will wait this week yet for it. If it don’t come, they will get Illinois law for it. I got them agents in Chicago to give their check for it so we have them and intend to hold them.

The house we got is a good one and in a beautiful location. Business is brisk and if our boxes of flitter was here that we could set up right, we can get as many boarders as we want at $3 per week. There is several waiting on us before we come. Marketing is high but not so high as with you. I bought a wagon load of excellent wheat yesterday. Got it delivered in the mill in this place at 100—that is the highest it will fetch. Corn is 35, oats 25. I bought 4 hogs, 200 lbs. each, at 4 cents [per lb.], vegetables and butter is high. Turnips is 35, potatoes from 60 cents to $1 according to quality. Furniture is about the same [as] it is in Armagh [Indiana county, Pa.]. I bought 5 pair bedsteads $4.25 apiece, well made of maple wood. Also a dining table at $950 of walnut. Queensware is a little higher than with you. Also hardware but excellent articles.

I was just trying my rifle gun I bought in Pittsburgh for $10. It is a splendid gun. I would not give it for one Brother Henry got made a few days before I started [which] he gave $15 for.

The health of the prairie is good at present with the exception of some few cases of Ague. We all appear to be well satisfied here as yet and think if we have not bettered our situation, are sure we hant worsted it. I cannot give you the ful amount yet. Will just say give our love to all the friends and acquaintances. Let them hear from us as I can’t write to each separately. Don’t neglect writing. We will be pleased to get letters from all.

Believe me respectfully yours, — John Amsbaugh

1864: Francis Channing Barlow to Frederick Tracy Dent

The following letter was written by Francis (“Frank”) Channing Barlow (1834-1896) while on convalescent leave from his command of the 1st Division, 2nd Corps, of the Army of the Potomac. He wrote the letter to Frederick Tracy Dent—Gen. Grant’s brother-in-law—who served as an aide-de-camp to Grant during the Overland Campaign and Siege of Petersburg in 1864.

Much has been written about Frank Barlow but one historian who has studied him extensively is Sarah Kay Bierle. The following excerpt comes from her article about Barlow she published on Emerging Civil War:

“Union General Francis C. Barlow is not generally hoisted on a symbolic white horse in Civil War memory. He has a reputation in the secondary source books for harsh discipline and a prickly temperament. He seems to be more remembered for his flaws at Gettysburg than his success at Antietam or hard fighting in the Overland Campaign. Barlow is associated with his bad days and outbursts rather than his moments of better humanity. Perhaps rightfully, perhaps not. I confess that is one of the things I like about studying Barlow, and I have been for about several years. He is far from a “marble man.” There’s a gritty rawness about his character and actions that doesn’t refine well in memory. There are moments to hate him and moments to admire him with all the complexity of real human life between. Barlow had a prickly relationship with his subordinates and superiors. There are moments recorded where he apparently was rather caring, but most of the time it seems that people wanted to give him a lot of space. Perhaps a regimental writer from the 148th Pennsylvania Infantry summarized it well, saying: “He had made a record for bravery and fearlessness…and was accounted a good General; but I always tried to keep out of his way as much as possible.” [See: General Barlow’s White Horse]

Frank was married to Arabella Wharton Griffin (1824-1864), who was ten years his senior. They married shortly after the firing on Fort Sumter at St. Paul’s Chapel in New York City. After months apart, Arabella volunteered as a nurse, arriving at Antietam just in time to see her wounded husband. When Frank was wounded again at Gettysburg, Arabella tended to him once more. In 1864, she accompanied him to the front, but while working in a field hospital in Tidewater Virginia, she contracted typhus and became critically ill. She died on July 28, 1864, after being transported to a vessel at City Point. Her death caused Frank immense grief, leading to concerns among his associates about his mental state. He received a 15-day furlough to attend her funeral but delayed his return due to exhaustion. This letter, written during that time, shows his anxiety to learn about his 2nd Corps Division’s movements. [See The Wives of Francis Channing Barlow]

In the photograph appearing in the header of this post, Frank’s wife, Arabella, is the tall woman standing at left.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

[Note: This letter is from the personal collection of Jim Doncaster and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]

August 19, 1864

My dear Colonel.

Can you give me the news?

Does the 5th Corps hold the railroad & did it suffer much yesterday? Has there been any fighting at Deep Bottom yesterday or today. And was my Division engaged & with what result?

Was my Division send down from there last night & what one? Is the rest of the Corps to follow?

You will very much oblige me if you will inform me on these points & give me any other news you have. Very truly, — Francis C. Barlow

[to] Lt. Col. Dent, U. S. A.

1861-62: Henry H. Tucker to Sarah J. Wears

I could not find an image of Henry but here is one of Alfred Ralph who served in Co. K wearing the Zouave uniform of the 62nd New York. He was killed at Gettysburg on 3 July 1863. (Scott Harrington Collection)

The following letters were written by Henry H. Tucker (1837-1904), the son of Levi Tucker (1813-1864) and Melissa Collins (1816-1857) of Essex, Essex county, New York. Henry enlisted 30 Apr 1861 in Co. C, 62nd New York Infantry, sometimes called the “Anderson Zouaves.” This regiment wore distinctive Zouave uniforms and participated in nearly all the major campaigns of the Army of the Potomac including Gettysburg and the Shenandoah Valley. Henry was promoted to Corporal on 15 Mar 1862 and to 1st Sergeant on 29 Feb 1864. He mustered out of the regiment on 29 Jun 1864.

He was in and out of the New York State Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Home in Bath, New York, beginning in October 1895. He was admitted again in August 1999 and was there until his death in December 1904. According to his brother’s family, he was never married, however, documents related to his military hospital stay and 1900 census indicated that he was widowed.

Letter 1

Addressed to Miss Sarah J. Wears, Essex, Essex county, New York

Camp Tenleytown
Division on the Potomac
November 19th 1861

Dear friend Sarah

Your letter was received of this date and what was more pleasing to me than to hear from a friend. I have just returned from 48 hours duty. Our company has been 8 miles into Maryland on grand guard. Most of the families are secessionist. We was there to lookout for spies. We had a good time. Had lots of fun. Guarded a school house and saw all the pretty girls, you know, but I don’t think they can come up with our Northern girls.

I received George Paul’s letter and answered it. Sarah, you said in your letter that you was all alone in the great house [and] that you wished I was with you. Sarah, your wishes in that was not more than mine for I will assure you that I would like to have been sitting by your side. Sarah, you said at every little sound your heart went pitapat. If I had been there, I would like to hear your heart beat as I often have but would not like to see you frightened. Sarah, you thought the war would come to a close soon. I am something of that opinion myself for that naval expedition is giving them all they can tend to. And more too. The news is today that a rebel vessel tried to run the blockade, was catched and they took 5 or 55 million of gold and a good many officers.

An AI sharpened Ambrotype of an unidentified soldier believed to be a member of the 62nd New York (Al Niemiec’s collection)

Sarah, it is getting cold in our tents now. It is coming winter. The wind blows through our tents. Sarah, you spoke of a pillow and comforter. That was kind of you. We have blankets for comforters. Pillows we have none except a bunch of straw. It is not so comfortable here as it would be at home in a nice feather bed—especially when one has a partner to keep him warm. Sarah, you thought the bread you gave me when I came away was sour. I thought it was very nice and was very thankful for it.

Then the fellow that looks two ways is gone and thinks the girls is too smart for him? Sarah, I have to close for Lieutenant [Horace A.] Pratt has come into our tent raising the Old Harry & I can’t write. Please write soon. So goodbye. My love to all and a kiss for yourself. Yours truly. From your friend, — Henry Tucker


Letter 2

Camp Tennellytown
January 21, 1862

Dear Sarah,

I received your kind letter. Was glad to hear from you again. I am still enjoying that which makes life a pleasure—good health. Sarah, there has ben a funeral in our regiment this afternoon. Makes another of our men that has died with the fever. It is very sickly here now. It has been raining here for about a week now steady. Is so muddy that we can’t drill or do any duty except guard duty.

Sarah, you spoke of being lonesome in the great house all alone. I know it’s a bad feeling for I have many times been in that way myself. But I hope it is all for the best. I sometimes think if I could only be in Essex just one night—just long enough to drop in and see Sarah a little while and the rest of my old friends—I would be willing to come straight back in the morning. But I find it does no good to wish, as you say. I have often done so. I suppose I might get a furlough to go home if I tried very hard but I don’t want to go for it costs too much. It would cost me 40 dollars to go and come and that won’t pay, you know.

Sarah, there has been a battle across the river since I last wrote you. The report was that there was 1500 of the rebels killed and 500 of our men, but I guess it is not so large as the report was.

Sarah, I don’t think I ever told you in any of my letters about my new tent. We have had them some time. They are larger than out other ones. There is 16 in one of these tents. We have got ours fixed very nice, raised from the ground & got bunks in them to sleep in. We got a lot of boards to make the bunks. We did not steal them but took them—just went along & froze on to them as the fellow said.

Sarah you must excuse this awful scratching for I am in a hurry to go to the funeral. I have been scratching it off like hot cakes. You said Jane did not get my letter. I wrote her two. She must have got them before now. Give her my love. Ask her what she thinks about the next generation. Sarah, write me how long George enlisted for if you know.

No more at present. From your friend, — H. H. T.

Yours with much love. Write soon.

1861: John Dortch Moss to John Chesterfield “Goode” Moss

An AI sharpened image of John Dortch Moss from Ancestry.com

The following letter was written by John Dortch Moss (1792-1864), a farmer residing in Athens, Clarke county, Georgia, at the time of the outbreak of hostilities between the North & South. He wrote the letter to his son, John Chesterfield “Goode” Moss (1833-1908) who was married in 1858 and resided in Tallapoosa county, Alabama, at the time. At the time of the 1860 US Census, J. D. Moss was the owner of eleven slaves ranging in age from 5 to 34—7 males and 4 females. Aside from his farm, J. D. Moss was a businessman. He created the John D. Moss Cotton Company in Athens.

Moss’ letter, written just two weeks after the firing on Fort Sumter, refers to the arrival in Athens of the Banks County Guards—organized and accepted into state service at Homer, Banks County, Georgia, on April 20, 1861. They became Co. A, 2nd Georgia Infantry under the command of Capt. Daniel Gill Candler. They passed through Athens in late April and arrived in Savannah in early May. It also refers to the closure of the college in Athens (forerunner of the University of Georgia) due to students leaving to enlist.

[Editor’s note: J. D. Moss’ handwriting is extremely poor and a challenge to translate but scans of the letter are included for the benefit of those more capable than myself.]

T R A N S C R I P TI O N

Athens [Georgia]
26 April 1861

Goode,

The butter came to hand this morning which was acceptable. The [ ] are coming on [ ]. I do not think [ ]. I have not seen or heard anything of Doct. Henderson & Wm. Toliver. I said to Mr. Rutherford when they arrived to locate them with me.

You seem to be or have the war fever & if nothing will relieve you short of a [ ], you had better come on and go to [ ] where you may get your satisfy. There was a company from Banks county came down last night on route for Virginia. There was 82 took cars at 11 o’clock; $200 given to them in Athens. The guard escorted them to the depot. The Horse Company was also after a speech from [ ] Coble. John B[oswell] Cobb says you must not go, or in other words, he does not wish you to leave; that you can have an eye to his interests, &c. I do not think you should leave at this time for I cannot spare.

The hot weather is at a [ ] old Rufus is not so [ ]; he seems broke down. No clerk & [ ] is doing a good many jobs for the times. T. Coble heard from Montgomery Saturday. I think Athens will look lonely in a few days and the churches will not be crowded as usual. I think it likely the college will suspend if the students continue to join the companies.

Goode, I hope to be out about the 15th of May or sooner if I can. You will [ ] your cotton by that time as the care of your wheat. Get it out as soon as dry and sun it well. I shall be obliged to bring one of the negro women in [ ] or [ ] on someone of [ ]. There is no getting on without one. My love to Kate. Kiss the daughter for me. Your Father, — J. D. Moss

Saturday 29th. I learn last night that the college has suspended, so many of the students has joined the army. They will not [ ] the Horse Company so Delaney will have to stay or get the foot company. I would prefer to go under him to anyone except Stanley [?]. We may have a war for [ ] years—there is no saying. Athens certainly will miss those that has and leaving home. Do write on receipt of this. We won’t [ ] very much. — J. D. M.

The John Dortch Moss home on the road between Athens and Lexington, GA, at Cherokee Corner, Oglethorpe County, Georgia; digitized by descendant Mary Bondurant Warren (1930-2021). From Ancestr.com

1857: Jennette (Graham) Hicks to Jefferson Salsig

The following letter was written by Jennette (Graham) Hicks (1831-1897). She married Henry Hicks (1824-1903) in St. Joseph county, Michigan on 1 August 1848. She had two children—Avery L. Hicks (1849-19130) and Ellis Henry Hicks (1853-1917). Jennette’s husband served during the Civil War as a private in Co. E, 11th Michigan Infantry. Jennette and her husband were born in New York State; her father was born in Ireland and her mother in New Jersey.

In 1850, Jennette and her husband were living in Lockport, Michigan. In 1860, Jeannette and her husband, a carpenter (house builder), were living in Lockport, Michigan, with their four children, Avery (b. 1849), Ellis “Henry” (b. 1853), Ida (b. 1855) and Delos (infant). The children were all born in Michigan. In 1870, the Hicks family resided in Three Rivers, Michigan. In 1880, they resided in Grand Rapids, Michigan.

Jennette wrote the letter to her sister, Ruth Ann (Graham) Salsig (1829-1904), the wife of Jefferson T. Salsig (1824-1874) who was also a carpenter. They were married in March 1847 in Kalamazoo county, Michigan. Ruth and her husband had several children born between 1851 and 1864 but some died young. Jefferson’s family tree is well-documented but the Graham side of the family is not.

Jennette (who spelled her name “Gennette”) did not fully dateline her letters and there are too few clues in the letter to accurately pinpoint the date and location but the information provided with the letter to its current owner claimed it was written in May 1857 from Plattsmouth, Nebraska Territory. I cannot confirm this, however. If true, the “massacre” mentioned in the letter may be a reference to the Spirit Lake Massacre that took place in March 1857 by the Santee Sioux of scattered northwest Iowa frontier settlements. In 1857, Plattsmouth was a burgeoning settlement on the Missouri River where a ferry had been established in 1852. The absence of postal markings suggests the letter was hand carried back East.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Addressed to Jefferson Salrig, Three Rivers, Michigan

May 17 [1857?]

Dear sister,

As I have not heard from you in a long time, I thought I would write you a few lines to let you know that we are all well at present and I hope these few lines will find you the same. Ruth, I don’t see why you can’t write to me a little oftener or have you forgot me? I hope you hain’t for you can’t think how I fel here in this wild country for the Indians are killing folks not far from here and I wish you could see the history of the Indian massacre here. It would make your blood run cold.

Ruth, does Ashley’s folks live there for we have not heard from them in some time. I wrote a letter to Olive to find out if I had a sister living in Lockport. I got a letter from Mary two weeks ago. She said Celie had got a pretty baby and she loved it as well as though it was hers. And I would like to know if your California boy is coming along soon.

For my part, I am all right on the nipup [?]. Betsy was just over here. She sends her love to you and says se is all right on the gander. Jane and her family is well.

Ruth, we have got twelve acres of wheat and fourteen acres of oats and it looks very nice, and twelve acres of corn and a good cow. I have got me a new pair of gaters. They cost three dollars and I sent four pounds of butter to town today to help pay for them. Butter is worth two shillings a pound. We have got our garden all made and the things is up and looks good. It rains here very hard today and has for three days.

Henry and Avery has gone today to get a pig and he has to pay five dollars for it. They are very high here. If we and Tonesis’ [Tunis’ ?] folks should eat any meat, I know it would make us sick for we are not use to it. But Oh! what a place this is. It won’t hold me longer than fall.

Ruth, please see Mr. Chull and see if he ain’t a going to close up the administration soon. You had better have him do something with the mortgage for the cost is eating up the principal and I need my share very bad. And if he won’t do that, find out how much there will be apiece and sell my share to somebody. Write son and let me know and if you can’t answer this letter, I hant come and see you when I come back.

We have got a nice little colt and expect to have another soon and tell Jeff that our mares is as nice as a peacock and black as coal. Ruth, I walked clear over to Jane’s to send your head dress and Father Hicks had gone before I got there. No more at present. My love to you all. Is Jeff to home? I don’t hear anything from him. — Mrs. Ginnette Hicks

1862: George H. Hutchings to John B. R. Hutchings

The following letter was written by George H. Hutchings (1822-1883), the son of Robert Hutchings (1790-1850) and Almeda Browder (1797-1872). George was married to Minerva Baker (1825-1918) in 1845 and was residing in Volney, Logan county, Kentucky at the time he wrote this letter on 5 July 1862.

George wrote the letter to his brother requesting him to take action on a proposal offered for the settlement of an Uncle’s estate. The substance of this transaction is uninteresting but the other half of the letter makes frequent references to the Civil War such as its impact on the economy, the division of family loyalties, the prospect of the South’s success, and the recent news of the Seven Days Battles before Richmond.

T R A N S C R I P T I ON

Volney, Logan county, Kentucky
July 5, 1862

John B. R. Hutchings,

Dear cousin, I have received two letters from you since March, little of which were with reference to Uncle Jack’s estate. The first I answered long ago and have been expecting an answer to it for some time. I directed the letter to Hill’s Ferry via Stockland and in that letter I informed you that I would pay you and cousin Mary fifteen hundred dollars each of your Uncle’s estate if you would agree to pay interest on it from the time it was started to you. I also informed you that the whole of the estate was in interest and that you ought to be willing to take the money on these terms as in your case it would in reality amount to no interest at all. That proposition is still open to you and will be for two months. If in that time I do not hear from you, I shall pay it to the other heirs in [ ] who are anxious to take it on those terms.

There is no law here to collect money at present in Kentucky or Tennessee and I cannot possibly settle up the estate until there is some chance to collect by law. Hence if you want money, you had better take it on the terms indicated. Your share if nothing should turn up and cause all the debts to the estate to [ ] will be not far from five thousand dollars but in the very unsettled state of the country, I cannot tell how we will come out.

We have a rumor of a great battle of six days near Richmond, Virginia, in which the Federals have met with a slight repulse from overwhelming numbers and the losses have been tremendous on both sides. I think there is but little chance for the South to succeed in the contest unless foreign powers intervene, which I hardly think they will do.

I heard from Missouri a few days ago. They were all well in that country but had seen pretty hard times from the war. Gillon says he has lost about three thousand dollars worth of property by the war. Edmund joined Price’s army early last spring and is in the South now, and I do not know what has become of him. We are all well in this country and doing pretty well considering the times.

You must write immediately upon the reception of this and let me know how your money must be sent. Send me a receipt signed by yourself, sister and husband for each amount separately that I may have security if anything should turn up. You need not date it as that can be done here. My love to father, mother, and sister, and believe me your affectionate cousin, — George H. Hutchings

1862: Lemuel Fuller to Lucy (Wilder) Fuller

Orville and his brother John Thomas also served in Co. F, 74th Illinois Infantry (Ancestry.com)

Lemuel Fuller (1832-1913) was a 30 year old farmer when he enlisted at Rockford on 8/9/1862 as a Private in Co. F, 74th Illinois Infantry and was mustered out on 6/10/1865 at Nashville, Tennessee. Of his war experience, an obituary in the Rockford Daily Register-Gazette (20 August 1913) states that though he was never wounded, he was in several severe engagements. He spent about 18 months in a hospital suffering from smallpox and was a prisoner of war as well. He was captured at Jonesboro and was then sent to Andersonville, where his comrade Roger Brown was a prisoner at the same time. After leaving Andersonville, he was taken to Savannah, then to Florence, South Carolina and was exchanged at Charleston. He fell ill shortly after the Battle of Stones River.

Lemuel was the son of John Fuller (1800-1858) and Lucy Wilder (1808-1895) of Rockford, Winnebago county, Illinois. He never married and carried on the farm that his father started in 1839.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N


“On Saturday, October 25, 1862, the Regiment camped at Danville, Ky.; and on the following night snow fell to the depth of three inches. On November 5, at 4 o’clock P.M., the Regiment crossed the line between Kentucky and Tennessee. The fact that the Regiment was, at last, in Dixie, was announced by loyal yells, hurrahs, and shouts infinite in number and variety of tone.”

[Danville, Kentucky]
Sunday morning
October 26 [1862]

Dear mother,

I once more write a few lines to let you know that I am as well as could be expected considering our circumstances. The boys are complaining of the cold this morning. The snow fell last night to the depth of 4 inches and it looks rather dubious this morning. We have not had a tent since we left Rockford. We make our bed the best we can. We built us a kind of shed last night and we are quite comfortable. We came to Danville Friday night and we leave here tomorrow morning for Lebanon 28 miles from here where there is a railroad station and we shall get some tents when we get there.

We have had some hard marching since I last wrote. I have not heard from home since I left. There has been a number of mails through to us and I have watched very watchful to hear my name called with the rest of the boys but it is silent yet and if I don’t hear from you when I get to Lebanon, I shall be very much disappointed. My fingers are numb and I quit.

I have got warm and feel a good deal more like writing. I have a chance to send my letter to Lebanon today and I shall close my letter to you. I understand that our knapsacks are in Lebanon and they are going after them and if we get them there will be great rejoicing among the boys for all their clothing is in them—only what they have on their backs. There are 25 of us have no blankets and if we could have our overcoats we should be glad for we could wear them today quite comfortable. It is so cold I can’t write.

I want you and all the rest of the friends to write and let me know how you all get along at home and how Jim gets along and tell him to write to me.

October 29. I was too late to send the other day for I had to go for wood and back. It was two and a half miles and the train was gone when I got back. But they only 11 miles and got marching orders and turned back and Monday we start for Lebanon. Yesterday we passed through it and camped 7 miles from town and our knapsacks came to us all right and I shall send my dress coat home. You will get them by calling on J. E. Andrew’s wife in Rockford. You will tell Dan and send it home. — Lemuel

1865: Chester Hamilton Ballard to his Parents

A GAR carte-de-visite of Chester H. Ballard (Chris Maldonado Collection)

Chester Hamilton Ballard (1843-1916) enlisted in Co. A of the 37th Massachusetts Infantry in August 1862. “Organized at Camp Briggs, and comprised mainly of men recruited in the four western counties of the state, the 37th Massachusetts was sent to the vicinity of Washington, D.C., via Fort Hamilton, N.Y., but it was some time before they found a definite corps assignment. Once attached to the 6th Corps of the Army of the Potomac, however, they soon found themselves involved in the thick of the war. Joining the main body of the army in the Blue Ridge in November, they participated in the Battle of Fredericksburg, helping to lead the crossing of the Rappahannock on December 11th, and covering the retreat on the 15th. 

After overwintering near White Oak Church, the 37th participated in the assault on Marye’s Heights (2nd Fredericksburg) on May 3rd, and were engaged on the following day at the Battle of Salem Church. Later in the summer, they were rushed into action at Gettysburg, arriving to participate in the action on July 3rd, and were then ordered to New York City to quell the draft riots.

Battle flags of the 37th Massachusetts Infantry at Boston State House

Their most memorable action, however, may have been during the Wilderness-Spotsylvania campaigns in May 1864. Thrown into confusion at the Battle of the Wilderness, the regiment lost 54 men, and a few days later that lost another 32 at the Bloody Angle in Spotsylvania. The 37th Infantry remained in the vicinity of Petersburg, suffering continual losses in both men and morale, until ordered to help repel Jubal Early’s raid on Washington late in the summer. Newly equipped with Spencer seven-shot repeating rifles, the regiment pursued Early into the Shenandoah Valley and was placed under Philip Sheridan’s command during the fall campaign of 1864. They were engaged at Charles Town and the 3rd Battle of Winchester, before being returned to the Petersburg front in December. Though their ranks were greatly reduced, the 37th remained active until the final battles of the war in the east, including the final assault on Petersburg, Sailor’s Creek, and Appomattox Court House.”

Chester was born in Brookline, Vermont, the son of Alexander H. Ballard. He spent his early life in Brookline and in Ludlow, Massachusetts. When the war began, Chester was engaged n the grocery and meat business in Springfield and ten days before his 19th birthday he mustered into the 37th Massachusetts. He was promoted to Orderly Sergeant before the close of the war. After he mustered out of the service at war’s end, he went to Chicopee and entered the grocery business again.

Fourteen of Chester’s letters can be found in the University of Michigan’s William L. Clements Library. See Chester H. Ballard papers, 1862-1864.

T R A N S C R I P T I O N

Near Petersburg [in camp near Warren Station]
January 15, 1865

Dear Parents,

Sunday night again and I never miss a Sunday. We have been very busy all day and I could not get time until this evening. First we had a rigid inspection at 10 a.m. This lasted until noon. Then we had to make out a list of clothing wanted in this company. This occupied all the time until time for dress parade. Then it was time to get supper so you see every day is nearly alike. There is no rest Sunday any more than any day.

There has been considerable firing along the lines today—more than any day since we came back, but has been none in front of us. All is very quiet in front of our lines. The pickets are very friendly. Lieut. [David M.] Donaldson is on picket today.

The picture I sent you was not a borrowed one. It is a picture of Miss Laura V. Arnold of Winchester and belongs to me.

We have now had four or five days of splendid weather. The roads are in very good condition and if this continues, Grant might be getting up a reconnoissance in force. I hope not at present. I do not want to have the campaign commence very early this spring. I have seen about enough campaigning. Perhaps you do not know that I am a veteran of 16 pitched battles. All of them lasted over 6 hours and 10 over 3 days. We have lain 38 days under artillery fire and in good musket range. There are but six original members of Co. A who have been through all the campaigns, and probably some of those six will fall before our 7 months are up as it is said a soldier’s average number of battles is five.

News? I have none. There is not any in the regiment. There is nothing but roll calls, drills, inspections and dress parade. Any of them would not interest you without you could see them and do not me only to get over them as soon as possible and it is getting time to close. Remember to write often. With my love, — Chester

Monday morning, January 16th

I received Father’s letter of the 12th after I had got through and was very glad to hear from you.

How did you hear we were short of rations? I have never said a word about it but then it is so. We never lived as short as we are this winter. I do not know the reason. We get about 3 days rations every five, but we are promised every few days to get better the next time. If you are a mind to send me a small box, I think I should get it. They come to the regiment every few days but do not put yourselves to much trouble or expense to get one up. But there goes the drum for drill. Will write in a few days. — Chester

1862: Henry E. Stiles to Hanna Dean Stiles

Capt. Henry E. Stiles, 8th Wisconsin Battery

The following letter was written by Henry E. Stiles of Stevens Point, Portage county, Wisconsin, who enlisted in the 8th Wisconsin Battery (Light Artillery) on 8 October 1861 and was made Jr. 1st Lieutenant on 7 December 1861. When his captain, Stephen J. Carpenter—also of Stevens Point—was killed on 31 December 1862 at the Battle of Stones River, Henry was promoted to Captain of the Battery and remained in command of it until he mustered out of the service on 10 August 1865.

Henry and his sister Hannah Dean Stiles were enumerated in Stevens Point at the time of the 1860 US Census. Henry was employed as an Expressman. Their parents were Abial Stiles (1772-1857) and Azubah Hawley (17xx-1858). Henry’s parents were from the northeastern U. S. but lived in Canada for a while where Henry was born.

A newspaper clipping described the service of the battery as follows: “The men left here on the morning of December 26, 1861. Although it was late in the season there was no sleighing, and the men were loaded into wagons on the public square. It was & cold, stormy morning, and there were only a few people standing around on the square. From here the men drove to Wautoma, where they spent their first night. On the 27th they drove to Berlin, and the next morning took the cars for Racine. A few days later they were mustered into the service of the United States for three years. But it was not until March that their active campaigning commenced.

We have not time nor data to follow this first Stevens Point organization through to its final muster out. But they went to St. Louis, to Fort Leavenworth, out on the plains, finally tramped through and portions of Missouri, Kansas. Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Georgia, some of the men marching with Sherman and Kilpatrick from Atlanta to the sea, and finally come home by way of New York city. During this time the battery marched thousands of miles and was in some of the bloodiest battles of the war. Only about 90 men left Stevens Point on that cold December morning more than thirty-six years ago, but before its term of three years service had been concluded the battery had a total membership of 289 men.”

Henry’s biographical sketch on Find-A-Grave claims he was born in Montreal, Canada in 1825. “When he was fifteen years old, the family removed to New York (1840), where Henry grew to manhood. In 1849 he came to Wisconsin and after resided in Beloit for three years, went to California and remained for four years and a half. He then returned to New York, and thence again to Beloit, but after one year’s stay, went to Stevens Point where he remained until 1861. On breaking out of the war he raised the Eighth Wisconsin Light Artillery; was commissioned First Lieutenant, and afterwards promoted to Captain. His Battery was the last to leave Murfreesborough, (Murfreesboro) in August,1865. Was mustered out at Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and remained in that city until 1873, when he came to Minnesota and settled on section thirty-three, Becker Township. While in Milwaukee he was Vice-President and business manager of the “Daily News” for three years, two years in the grocery trade and the balance of the time was dealing in real estate and building. Mr. Stiles has been twice married; first to Jennie Joy, of Racine, Wisconsin, in 1863, who died the following year. His second wife was Harriet Paul, of Washington District of Columbia (D.C.), to whom he was married in 1867; she also departed this life in 1870, leaving two children, Winnifred H. and Georgiana P., both residing with their father. Per History of the Upper Mississippi Valley, Page 314, copy in my records (Kenneth C. Stiles – July 15, 1998).”

[Note: This letter is from the private collection of Greg Herr and was transcribed and published on Spared & Shared by express consent.]


T R A N S C R I P T I ON

Camp near Nashville
December 7th 1862

Dear Sister,

Yours of the 24th is at hand acknowledging the receipt of five dollars and receipts. I have written you once since & enclosed five dollars more & some papers of value which you will put away with my other papers and please send the names and numbers so that I may know that you have received them all. I am glad that the matter of Masius Doles silence is at last cleared up. It would be unfortunate indeed if Mr. Dole should not be able to return to his business this fall.

Since I wrote you last, our Division has moved 5 miles southwest from Nashville on the Franklin Pike & we now occupy the right of the army and about 2 miles in advance of the front of our line. The rebels occupy Murfreesboro, Franklin, and another town east. Their front proper about, average 16 miles but they have quite a large cavalry force that are keeping up active operations immediately along our lines, skirmishing almost every day, sometimes making a dash at us and running like mad.

How long we shall remain here I know not. Are waiting for supplies. It takes a large amount of provisions & they want to get through a good supply before the guerrillas breakup the railroad which I presume they will do before long but they are quiet now.

It’s nearly as cold here now as in Wisconsin. There is two inches of snow. We have got tents now but it is far from comfortable. The government will not allow us to carry stoves & we have to stand shivering over outdoor fire and sleep cold nights. Oh, it’s decidedly pleasant this soldiering. I would almost consent to do it all my life to liberate one good, fat, greasy black negro, that hecould say he was free to go where he pleased without any means to go there or we any means to send him.

You ask me about my health. I eat as usual, sleep cold, have the old pain in my shoulder occasionally, and sometimes my throat troubles me slightly. But I have not been in the ambulance or relieved from duty but one day or part of a day since I have been in the service. Have done more duty than any officer in the battery. Have been in regular attendance. I never looked very well & if it is necessary for one to get frightened to look like a scarecrow, I do not think I look like one for I have not been frightened—not even when the shells bursted around me and Major at Lancaster [Kentucky]. That I believe I wrote you of, and as a proof, the men all differed as to the number of shells thrown at us & the places where they struck & when we came back from following after Bragg, as a proof that I was correct as to the number and places, I would point out to them the exact spot where every one struck & I did so & that there was one shell that did not burst & that we also found. And considering that I had a whole battery to get round through a gate and fence out of a narrow road, I do not think I was much excited.

I congratulate Mann. Shall write her soon. I intended to write to Herron & Melinda but from what you wrote, I thought perhaps they might be gone to Canada. If they have not gone, give them my love, and Maria.

We did not “get to stay” at Nashville this winter. I had hoped we might. We are too good a marching Division and if they get us wound up, I suppose they will keep us going until we run down. We have done more marching than any other division in the army. Write often while you can for I expect when we march again, our communication will be cut off in rear. Your brother, — H. E. Staley